The Role of Orthodox Churches in Russia’s Africa Policy

During 75 years of communist rule—when Christianity was brutally repressed—Vladimir Putin served in intelligence. Since coming to power in 1999, he has pursued a project of religious revival across Russia. As he reshaped Russian society around an Orthodox identity, he placed himself at the spiritual center of that new theological narrative.

Putin has drawn on the Russian Orthodox faith both to strengthen domestic social and cultural cohesion and to push back against Western culture and post-modern values. He has repeatedly derived political legitimacy and soft power from close cooperation with the Church.

In recent years he has also begun to export that religious strategy abroad: using the Russian Orthodox Church as an instrument to expand Moscow’s geopolitical influence in regions where the Kremlin seeks a foothold—Africa chief among them.

Russia’s Africa policy and the church

Unlike rivals such as China and the United States, Russia’s approach in Africa has leaned heavily on military cooperation—security assistance, training, and private military contractors—rather than primarily on infrastructure investment or trade. With the Wagner Group consolidating a Russian presence across the continent, Moscow has even discussed forming a new private force called the “Africa Legion” to replace or supplement existing proxies.

Putin’s strategy is to fuse military outreach with religious soft power by leveraging the influence of the Russian Orthodox Church. In short: military backing opens doors; the Church helps Moscow win hearts and shape narratives.

This is a calculated move. By framing Russia as a defender of “traditional values” and an opponent of Western liberalism, Moscow aims to make its message more appealing to conservative religious communities across Africa.

A battle of patriarchates

The geopolitical dimension is unmistakable in church politics. When the Orthodox Church in Ukraine split from the Moscow Patriarchate and later gained recognition from the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople—and subsequently some recognition from the Patriarchate of Alexandria—Moscow reacted angrily. For Ukraine, an independent church meant freeing itself from a key Russian influence.

In response, Moscow took the offensive in Africa. In December 2021 the Russian Orthodox Church created a Moscow Patriarchate Exarchate for Africa—an institutional move prompted in part by requests from some African Orthodox communities to fall under Moscow’s jurisdiction. That step challenged the long-standing canonical authority of the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Alexandria, which historically has been the dominant Orthodox presence across much of sub-Saharan Africa.

Patriarch Theodore of Alexandria warned that Moscow had long harbored ambitions to expand in Africa “because here poverty makes the ground fertile.” Some observers, including Ukrainian theologian Cyril Hovorun, argue that the Russian Church has entered Africa primarily to amplify propaganda and stoke anti-Western sentiment.

At the same time, reports from the Russia–Africa summit in Saint Petersburg last July claimed that more than 200 Russian Orthodox churches have been opened across some 25 African countries. Wherever new churches appear, so do associated schools, wells, hospitals and cultural centers—creating a broader infrastructure that visibly projects Russian presence.

Orthodoxy’s place in Africa—and Moscow’s angle

Outside Ethiopia and Eritrea, Orthodoxy is generally a minority faith across Africa, even if its historical roots in Alexandria run far back. Because the Orthodox Church in many places is linked to national identity and state structures, it can function as a bridge between religion and politics: when the church strengthens national identity, it also becomes a partner in state building.

Moscow has seized on this dynamic to challenge the Alexandrian sphere of influence—and to present Russian Orthodoxy as a “national” alternative. Beyond institutional moves, some Russian initiatives have even veered into cultural and symbolic claims: in some iconography and public messaging, Russian churches have emphasized darker-skinned saints and Christian figures in ways meant to suggest an affinity between Slav origins and Africa.

Where other Orthodox jurisdictions may act more narrowly, the Russian strategy has often been expansive and inclusive: for example, the St John of the Ladder Church in Cape Town reportedly counts roughly 40% Russian congregants and 60% local members—an illustration of Moscow’s effort to embed itself in local religious life.

Patriarch Theodore characterized these moves as opportunistic; critics argue the Kremlin is exploiting poverty and institutional weakness. The Russian Church’s rhetoric about “traditional values” and opposition to Western liberalism resonates with conservative religious currents across the continent—particularly where clergy and laypeople oppose LGBTQ rights and similar social changes.

Material leverage: pay, education, and networks

In many African countries the state does not pay clergy salaries. Russia leverages this gap: it builds or converts churches to the Russian Orthodox fold, covers clergy salaries, and funds training and travel. In November 2022, the first group of seminarians from Kenya, Rwanda and Nigeria arrived in St. Petersburg to study at a theological academy in a program financed by Russia’s state nuclear company Rosatom—an example of how Moscow ties religious outreach to state resources.

Declarations by officials in countries like the Central African Republic—where high-profile conversions have been announced, including by relatives of diplomats—are presented in Moscow as evidence of soft-power success. Whether those conversions are organic or influenced by material inducements is a subject of debate.

Church as the arm of state policy

Historically, churches have often served state interests by spreading ideology and consolidating influence. Today the pattern continues. Just as U.S. funding of evangelical churches in Africa has expectations attached—shaping doctrine and loyalties—so too does Russian support of Orthodox institutions carry geopolitical strings.

Moscow’s approach is understandable from a strategic standpoint: courting political support and access to resources by investing in religious infrastructure. The Russian Orthodox Church, in effect, acts as a conduit of state influence. Its expansionist posture in Africa is less about purely spiritual care and more about strengthening Russia’s image and geopolitical reach through appeals to religiosity and “traditional values.

Sources & further reading:

  This article was originially published in Independent Türkçe, on April 24 , 2024.

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