Zambia’s Gamble with China: Growth or New Colonialism?

 When I first arrived in Zambia, what immediately caught my attention were the countless Chinese shops, restaurants, businesses, and projects funded by Chinese entrepreneurs. Compared to Abuja, the capital of Nigeria where I had previously lived, the Chinese presence in Zambia is strikingly more visible—even today it is still evident in the streets.

Zambia is one of the African countries with the longest-standing relationship with China. Shortly after gaining independence in 1964 under Kenneth Kaunda, Zambia established trade ties with Beijing. By the 1970s, with Chinese support, the TAZARA railway (also known as the Uhuru railway) was built—linking landlocked Zambia to global trade routes through Tanzania. Discussions about further developing this railway continue vigorously today.

Some paint an optimistic picture, claiming that China is seeking new friends, aiming to develop the continent through investments, expand trade, and create jobs that will lift poor communities. Many even argue that China is preferable to Western investors. But let us flip the coin.

Just as the Berlin Conference of 1884 partitioned Africa for Western exploitation, today Beijing’s loans and infrastructure projects are increasingly binding African nations in debt, launching a new form of colonialism. The goals are clear: access to raw materials and precious minerals, new markets, and long-term geopolitical power.

Zambia holds the world’s second-largest copper reserves after the Democratic Republic of Congo. China, meanwhile, is the largest global importer of copper. Unsurprisingly, the majority of the more than 600 Chinese companies operating in Zambia are concentrated in Copperbelt Province.

What Do Zambians Think?

President Hakainde Hichilema has praised China’s contributions in technology, textiles, construction, and healthcare, highlighting Beijing’s assistance during the pandemic with medical supplies and vaccines. Both officials and ordinary citizens acknowledge the visible benefits of Chinese investments. Yet they also openly voice the risks and challenges that come with them.

Historically, Zambians are known for their hospitality and tolerance toward foreigners. But as Kaunda envisioned when building a nation, they are equally capable of resisting external forces that act against their interests. Many now question whether uncontrolled Chinese land acquisitions could leave poor Zambians with little to no farmland.

While Chinese investments have undeniably created jobs, locals complain that their businesses are being displaced. From second-hand clothing markets to street vending, Chinese traders are competing directly with Zambians. Recently, Justice Minister Given Lubinda reminded China’s ambassador that investors should not compete with locals in their own trades, but rather invest in sectors where Zambians lack opportunities.

An Optimistic Voice: Dambisa Moyo

Not everyone is critical. Renowned Zambian economist Dambisa Moyo, author of Dead Aid, argues that much reporting on Chinese investors is simplistic. She emphasizes that African workers outnumber Chinese employees in these firms, while Chinese staff are typically brought in for specialized technical roles. For Moyo, China’s investments bring tangible benefits to the poor, unlike Western colonial powers who left destruction behind without rebuilding.

Labor Rights and Harsh Realities

Yet conditions in Chinese-run companies raise concerns. Zambians employed in the mines report racism, grueling work hours, exposure to toxic chemicals, extreme heat, withheld wages, and denial of holidays. Human Rights Watch documented such abuses in 2011. These complaints resonate with Beijing’s broader record of human rights violations, including its treatment of Uyghur Muslims at home.

Moreover, China tends to channel investments through its own state-owned enterprises, leaving little room for joint ventures with Zambian or multinational companies. Although billion-dollar projects impress on the surface, the local population often sees little direct benefit.

Even Zambia, which has managed to reduce corruption compared to many African peers, fears that Chinese companies are fueling new scandals.

Debt Traps and a Sino-Centric World

Napoleon Bonaparte once warned: “Let China sleep, for when she wakes, she will shake the world.” Today, his prophecy seems closer to reality. Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative is reshaping global economic and geopolitical balances. Experts warn that China is ensnaring Asian and African states in a debt trap, forcing them to surrender key assets when loans cannot be repaid. Sri Lanka’s recent handover of a port to a Chinese company on a 99-year lease serves as a stark example.

Zambia may be heading down a similar path. President Hichilema expects Chinese investments to reach $20 billion by 2030. Xi Jinping, for his part, has promised to increase imports of high-quality Zambian goods, especially agricultural products. Yet Zambia already owes Beijing an estimated $6.6 billion—or 30% of its external debt. Some believe the true figure is even higher.

The World Bank recently approved a $560 million loan to Zambia, while the IMF has pledged even more. But the number of creditors continues to grow, adding further strain.

Searching for Solutions

Have African nations, weary of centuries of Western exploitation, leapt from the frying pan into the fire by embracing China as an alternative? Economists suggest Zambia must tread carefully—intensifying talks with Beijing, avoiding debt accumulation in new projects, and considering a moratorium on repayments. Hichilema himself has admitted that progress is impossible without restructuring the country’s mounting debt.

Zambia has clearly benefited from Chinese investments. But the price it may ultimately pay could be devastating. No country invests without self-interest. The challenge lies in striking a balance that safeguards Zambia’s sovereignty while preserving economic gains. If not, China’s dominance over key sectors will only deepen—and on its own terms.

Sources:

This article was originally published in Independent Türkçe on October 28, 2022.

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